Joseph Kony and the LRA: The Role of Religion, Migration, and Martyrdom in Violence

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By Ben Duphiney, The Catholic University of America

I remember hearing about Joseph Kony for the first time in 2012. I heard all over the news––and even in my social circles: “KONY 2012”. I remember seeing this adage on bumper stickers, graffiti murals, and t-shirts. My youth group even sponsored an event to promote this cause. It was a bipartisan movement, sponsored by Invisible Children, to expose the egregious crimes against humanities led by Ugandan Joseph Kony––a war criminal and self proclaimed prophet––and have him arrested by 2012. On March 5, 2012, the documentary Kony 2012 was released to the public, and within 30 days, it received over 70 million views. Youtube was becoming a popular platform, and it was used as a tool to expose Kony across the world. On April 20, 2012, supporters were encouraged to hang posters of Kony around their neighborhoods in what was known as Cover the Night. This movement went viral, but then it slowly lost its steam to the point where people had heard about Kony but took no action.

Poster from Invisible Children

While this raised awareness for the people of Uganda and the horrors of the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), many supporters were accused of slacktivism, the belief that clicking the “like” or “share” button on social media is fighting for the cause, yet no real change is advanced. In Uganda, “the abduction rate has increased since the video was released, although it is impossible to definitively state that the two are causally linked.”[1] After learning about these abductions, I wanted to learn more but did not know where to begin; so little research had been done, and I was only in middle school. The world watched the video, but it kept moving; I kept moving. I stopped hearing about Kony 2012 a few months after its release, and continued my middle-school education, and forgot about Kony and Uganda.

Five years later, I traveled to Uganda with my father and my friend, Sr. Cecilia. We visited her community and met her family, religious sisters, and the people of Uganda. I was curious about Joseph Kony because he was the only thing that came to my head when I thought of Uganda. When I asked the sisters about Kony, they burst out laughing. “Joseph Kony, that man is not still here; he was driven out into the Congo over ten years ago. We don’t know where he is, but he is not here! He was a terrible man, and we are still suffering from his regime.” I was shocked; I thought he was still in Uganda because that is what the rest of the world thought in the wake of KONY 2012.

This was a big wake up call, and I wanted to understand his motives, especially since Kony was a self-proclaimed Catholic. I knew that terrorist threats in East Africa come from the “al-Qaeda presence in the region and increasing levels of radicalization among sectors of the East African Muslim population.”[2] The fact that Joseph Kony justified his terrorism with Christianity made me even more curious: how could my faith be weaponized to justify horrific war crimes?

HISTORICAL OVERVIEW

  1. Unstable History of Uganda Leadership in the Wake of Idi Amin

When I tell people that I travel to Uganda, most of them drop the name Idi Amin. “Watch out for Idi Amin! Oh, have you heard of Idi Amin? You’re flying into Entebbe?? Have you heard of Idi Amin or the hostage crisis at Entebbe in 1976?” Amin is the figure who most adults in the United States today think of when they hear Uganda. Uganda gained independence in 1962 from Britain, and ten years later, Idi Amin led a coup d’état, taking control of the first government in 1971. He was known as the “Butcher of Uganda” and murdered over 300,000 people during his reign.[3] As a Muslim leader, Amin ruptured countless of Uganda’s alliances ––such as with Israel––and ruptured the unity of Uganda through tribalism. Already a problem in most African countries, tribalism pinned Ugandans against each other, and Amin used this political weapon as a means of suppressing the power throughout the country; Uganda has 54 separate tribes that have a history of wars and conflicts, and Amin used this division to his advantage.[4] He ordered attacks on many ethnic tribes, including the Acholi tribe, located in northern Uganda; persecution forced many to move out of their region to South Sudan.

Idi Amin was forced into exile––first to Libya, then Saudi Arabia––after he attempted a failed attack on the neighboring country of Tanzania. During the Second Republic of Uganda (1979–1985), four presidents led the country until another coup d’état led by General Bazilio Olara-Okello, which placed General Tito Lutwa Okello as the new leader (1985-1986). He ruled as president for about six months until the National Resistance Movement/Army (NRM/A), led by Yoweri Museveni, overthrew his reign. Museveni remains the current president of Uganda, and his suppression of the Acholi tribal people, who populate three northern districts, is generally cited as the catalyst of the LRA [Lord’s Resistance Army] rebellion.”[5]

  1. The Creation of Joseph Kony’s Army: Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA)

During the months of Museveni’s reign, Alice Auma felt inspired by the Acholi spirits to lead a resistance movement against the NRM/A. While many thought she was possessed, she believed that she received a vision from God, saying that she was Lakwena, meaning “messenger” in the Acholi language. She considered herself an Acholi Bible prophet (nebi) as opposed to a medium (ajwaka).[6] Alice Lakwena, as she was commonly known once she began the Holy Spirit Movement throughout Uganda, bestowed magical powers upon her followers and provided them “with special weapons, including lumps of rock which were supposed to turn into grenades when thrown” and “anointed them with shea butter” to protect them from bullets.[7] In 1987, she led her Holy Spirit army in an attempt to topple the government of Yoweri Museveni:

The [NRM/A] soldiers were taken by surprise, and were terrified to behold hundreds of men coming out of the bush singing, their half-naked bodies glistening with [shea] oil to protect them from bullets, and walking upright without taking cover. Panic ensued and the NRM/A fled.[8]

A poster of Alice Lakwena

While her movement began peacefully, it was radicalized by her followers, including her cousin Joseph Kony. As Lakwena’s movement came to an end, a second wave was inspired to continue fighting Museveni’s NRM/A. “Although 8,000 [Holy Spirit Movement] rebels in Gulu alone took advantage of an armistice between September 1987 and April 1988, a second phase of the movement emerged, termed ‘Lakwena Part Two.’”[9] Several new break off groups were led by spiritual mediums (ajwaka) of the Acholi tribe. “The largest units [from the Lakwena Part Two] were those of Severino Kukwoya (Lakwena’s father) and Joseph Kony.”[10] The three were often referred to as the Trinity: “Kony was equated with Won, the Son, Lukwoya with Wod, the Father, and the absent Alice with Tipu Maleng, the Roman Catholic term for the Holy Spirit.”[11] Alice was absent because she fled to Kenya in 1987 and “lived in an Ifo refugee camp near Dadaab in northern Kenya until her death in 2007.”[12] Lukwoya’s group was not strong enough to endure the NRM/A, but Kony’s group survived. In 1987, he proclaimed “himself a prophet for the Acholi people and took charge of the Holy Spirit Movement, which would eventually become the LRA.”[13] The movement was growing large, and he struggled with a name for this movement. He “started his movement as the Holy Spirit Movement II, but renamed it the Lord’s Salvation Army, the United Democratic Christian Force, and finally [settled on] the Lord’s Resistance Army.”[14]

With the momentum of the Holy Spirit Movement, Kony was supported in northern Uganda until resources were scarce. In 1994, the LRA gained support from neighboring Sudan “which sought to retaliate against Kampala [Uganda] for its support of Sudanese rebels.”[15] Kony was inspired by Alice Lakwena’s zeal for the Holy Spirit, but his movement was more extreme:

Kony defines himself as the mouthpiece of God, reinforcing the Ten Commandments and acting as a political oracle in a time of profound crisis introduced by foreign forces. He is not only the spokesman of the Christian God but simultaneously an intermediator between local spiritual forces and the people. He is transcending both the traditional order and a modern political fragmentation, representing a new ethno-political and moral identity.[16]

“Violence was from the beginning a trademark of the movement,”[17] and Kony used violence and manipulation as a tool to gain control––and an army of child soldiers known as the “Lost Youth”. Kony’s followers were attempting to “purge the sinful people”[18] from the rest of Uganda, and used whatever means necessary to accomplish this mission. The strategy of carrying out Kony’s mission used “terror to render Uganda ungovernable…spread fear and insecurity, and cause the national government to appear weak and unable to protect its citizens.”[19] He wanted to overthrow Museveni and the NRM/A, restoring a utopian society where the Ten Commandments were at its core and Kony as its prophet. A key element in achieving his goal was abducting thousands of children to fight for his “worthy” cause. In 1997, a report by the US group Human Rights Watch estimated the number of those abducted during the last 36 months [of LRA activity] at approximately 8,000.[20] Children were often abducted and forced to kill their own families––threatened with the loss of their own lives. Soldiers would come into villages or schools at night and kidnap hundreds of children at a time. Boarding schools are inundated with students due to the high amount of youth in Uganda. In 2000, it was reported that of the 23 million people who lived in Uganda, 66% were under the age of 24.[21] Children were everywhere, making them a perfect target for Kony. They were “often forced to torture and kill relatives and other abducted children…girls [were] forced into sex-slavery, destroying their self-respect and acceptance in their families.”[22] The motives for abducting children were not religious. According to Invisible Children, the children the Kony abducts are dragged into a violent conflict before their own moral compasses have developed, they become unable to discern right from wrong…[and] the belief that Kony can control minds and is possessed by spirits instills fear in LRA-affected communities and abductees…After children are abducted, they are forced to go through rituals designed to break them down and disconnect them from their past lives…they are made to believe that escape is impossible – they are told that their families…would never take them back, and that the government would kill them if they tried to return home…they are forced to kill other children who attempt escape by beating them with a log or branch while the rest watch.[23]

On July 8, 2005, the International Criminal Court issued warrants against Kony and some of his commanders. Among the warrants were 12 counts of crimes against humanity, including murder, cruel treatment of civilians…rape, and forced enlisting of children into the rebel ranks.[24] In 2006, Kony left Uganda and fled to the Democratic Republic of Congo. Since then, he has not returned to Uganda, and has not signed any peace treatises. In 2012, the rest of the world discovered the horrors of Joseph Kony in the documentary Kony 2012, and has since been somewhere in east African countries. Despite Kony’s suppression and flight into hiding, “LRA fighters remained a danger and a source of fear and terror”[25] in East Africa.

UNDERSTANDING KONY AND HIS MOTIVES

  1. Mark Juergensmeyer and the Justification of Religious Violence, the Cosmic War

To understand how Kony justifies his violence using religion, we need to understand the role of religion in society. In Terror in the Mind of God, Mark Juergensmeyer concludes that “religion gives spirit to public life and provides a beacon for moral order.”[26] Moral order is crucial in an unstable society, such as Uganda during its post-Amin government. Religion holds claims that are revealed, thus transcendental. Perhaps a simple example of this is the Pope. The Pope, the head of the Roman Catholic Church, has an influential voice in the public, secular sphere. His opinion and character carries a weight unlike any other national leader. Pope Francis was ranked #6 on Forbes most powerful people in 2018, and “is the spiritual leader of more than a billion Catholics.”[27] Whether you’re Catholic or not, people know and respect the Pope.

Alice Lakwena and Joseph Kony used religion to gain momentum in Uganda. Placing the role of religion in the context of the Holy Spirit Movement, “it is possible to understand why a largely uneducated young woman [Lakwena] was able to wield such influence over so many men.”[28] Kony, too, claimed to be a prophet, which aided in his rise to power. Many Acholi mediums in northern Uganda, since the 1960s, openly “associate their activities with Christian teaching…[and assert] the moral probity of their spirits, and explicitly link themselves with things that the Church teaches are unambiguously good.”[29] Uganda was Christianized in 1887 by the White Fathers (a Catholic, French missionary order), and “the first missionaries were well received by the Baganda [people of Uganda].”[30]

Christianity slowly seeped into the country, meeting the other native faiths––including the Acholi tribe’s religion. While Catholic missionaries were present during the colonial period, the Acholi people––as well as many other regions–– were not properly evangelized, thus leading to a quasi-Christian, magical religion. Alice Lakwena and Joseph Kony are examples of this theory: taking Christian principles (i.e. the Ten Commandments) and mixing them with Acholic beliefs (supreme being called Jok and in another god, Lubanga, who was the cause of evil; worshipping the spirits of the dead).[31] Followers of this religion looked to Kony for direction, and he was able to use his power to influence Ugandans.

Similar to Hitler and al Qaeda, Kony was able to use religious principles to justify violence. Juergensmeye gives another modern example demonstrating someone who justifies violence with religion: Michael Bray.[32] He is an American anti-abortion advocate who has bombed abortion clinics and shot abortionists––in the name of God and saving lives. He reads Bible verses such as Psalm 91(You will not be afraid of the terror by night, or of the arrow that flies by day) to explain his reasoning behind bombing abortion clinics: “the decision to abort an abortionist is a good thing because such action saves real lives.”[33] If people believe that someone is a prophet sent by God––citing scripture for their cause–– and believe that religion elevates “the spiritual and moral values of public life”[34] then it is the perfect recipe for following anyone, carrying out their own agenda. Joseph Kony was able to secure a foundation in religion because of its weight in the greater culture. If religion is involved, anything can be justified.

Jurgensmeyer makes the distinction of what terrorist acts can be: performance events and performative acts. Performance events “make a symbolic statement”[35] to achieve a goal. An example of this is “the gunshot that begins a race, the raising of a white flag to show defeat, or acts of terrorism.”[36] Performative acts, on the other hand, attempt “to change things.”[37] Kony’s violence and reign of terror is attempting to change the government of Museveni. This desire to change the present structure is in an “indirect way as a dramatic show so powerful as to change people’s perceptions of the world.”[38] Placing the distinction in the context of Kony, the act of forcing children to kill their parents is symbolically pledging their allegiance to Kony and his army; this act also is attempting to change the present government by instilling fear into villages as a means to gain their support. This distinction is important because it speaks to the deeper meaning of performance violence; Jurgensmeyer calls these terrorist acts “performative” because people are watching, and they seek attention. These types of acts are different from other activities, in that they contain a twofold nature. This twofold identity places the acts in a larger context of what Jurgensmeyer calls the cosmic war.

Jurgensmeyer believes that Kony, like many other terrorists, is “driven by an image of cosmic war…“cosmic” because they are larger than life…[and] evoke great battles of the legendary past, and they relate to…conflicts between good and evil.”[39] This theory is explained by Kony’s desire to establish a society grounded in the Ten Commandments and attempt to purge sinful people from Uganda. He has placed his reality around the idea that he is within the larger context of a cosmic war, an epic battle between the LRA and those who are evil; “a small act of violence may be justified in order to stop a much greater violent assault.”[40] Kony uses this altered view of reality to justify his violent acts because he believes that “war is not only the context for violence but also the excuse for it.”[41] Placing violent acts in the context of a cosmic war, Kony is able to distinguish those who will fight and die for his cause (i.e. martyrs) and those who stand in the way of his cause (i.e. demons).

Martyrs, which will be explained in the next section, are what Jurgensmeyer defines as those who die during their mission: “If they succeeded in their mission unscathed, they were heroes; if they died in the process, they were martyrs.”[42] Martyrdom is exalted in Christianity, and especially in Uganda. Kony––who is fighting in a cosmic war––is attempting to carry out his mission and wants people to fight for him. Demons, or those who do not support the cause, must be eliminated––or at least must be avoided in the mission. This is another avenue whereby Kony justifies killing innocent people; they are preventing him from winning the cosmic war and must be eliminated. The cosmic war theory gives terrorists a structure that allows them to commit violent acts; killing (or terrorism) may not be part of the initial plan, but if killing happens, so be it.

  1. Kizito Kiyimba and the Ugandan Martyrs

When I visited Uganda in 2017 for the first time, we made sure to visit the two shrines for the Ugandan martyrs. This feast day is celebrated on June 3, and “attendance estimates range from 500,000 to the low millions.”[43] The Ugandan martyrs are celebrated across east Africa––not just Uganda. Kizito Kiyimba, a Jesuit priest and Vice Chancellor of Arrupe Jesuit University, links the martyrdom of 45 martyrs and their veneration to the violence present in the LRA. He believes that after their execution (1885-1887), seeds were planted which would sprout to ensure that Ugandans in general could easily accommodate religious expression and violence…some link had been set up to accommodate violence in the expression of religion, just as religion could be used in the expression of violence instigated by other motives, e.g. political or ethnic motives.[44]

Their veneration by the Catholic Church elevated these religious heroes, and the attention that was drawn inspires many today. Religion and violence were now on the same playing field, and Kiyimba is not sure of the exact correlation of why or how Kony was inspired by religious violence. He does, however, claim that the Ugandan martyrs’ example “is one of extreme personal asceticism on the part of the victims, which asceticism is informed by religious convictions.”[45] The martyrs died for a worthy cause; Kony killed for a worthy cause? Kiyimba does not make the distinction between killing or dying for a religious cause, but he does introduce the Uganda martyrs as the first example of people dying for a cause.

  1. Amin Maalouf and the Impact of Migration

I first read Amin Maalouf’s In the Name of Identity: Violence and the Need to Belong for a French class on war, border conflicts, and exile. It is given to many corporate workers to understand identity and the impact of culture, language, and personal history. Maalouf fled to Paris after the Lebanese Civil in 1975. Speaking from experience, he argues that:

The status of migrant itself is the first victim of a “tribal” notion of identity. If only one affiliation matters, if a choice absolutely has to be made, a migrant finds himself split and torn, condemned to betray either his country of origin or his country of adoption, and whichever course he follows the consequent betrayal is bound to cause him lasting bitterness and anger.[46]

Many of the Acholi people were migrants from Idi Amin’s regime in the 1970s, fleeing to the Democratic Republic of the Congo or South Sudan. By migrant, Maalouf does not strictly mean someone who flees their country; more broadly, it refers to a “category of people who have been forced out of their native habitat,” such as the Acholi people who were internally displaced out of northern Uganda.[47] “At the height of the insurgency, some 1.8 million people were living in camps in the north, and… virtually the entire population of [Acholi] was displaced.”[48] Maalouf raises the important question of the role of displacement in identity. Lakwena and Kony were both from northern Uganda, the land of the Acholi. They were displaced along with the rest of their families, thus leaving a deep hatred for the government of Uganda. It is possible, Maalouf argues, that because the “tribal notion of identity” causes the group to be a victim, they will “find [themselves] split and torn, condemned to betray either [their] country of origin or adoption.” Kony was a migrant, who was displaced from his home during the regime of Idi Amin. Born in 1961, Kony would have been around eleven years old when Amin was persecuting the Acholi people. Maalouf’s observations reveal the impact of migration on Kony’s motives and radicalization to overthrow the government are rooted in something much deeper than religion; the motives are amplified by religion, nonetheless.

CONCLUSION

Acts of violence in the name of religion––including those of Joseph Kony––are able to be understood through various theoretical lenses. Mark Juergensmeyer spoke of how religion elevates “the spiritual and moral values of public life,”[49] thus placing these values as a beacon for moral order. People in an unstable government––or at least in the wake of a brutal dictator––will look to this beacon and will follow whoever is carrying the light. Additionally, Juergensmeyer introduces the cosmic war theory, which places Kony and his cause in the midst of a cosmic war between good and evil; winning this war is essential and must be won by any means necessary. If killing is a result of spreading a mission, that is justified by the larger context that Kony places his mission. Kizito Kiyimba places Juergensmeyer’s cosmic war theory in the historical context of Uganda. He believes that dying for a religious cause may lead to some killing for a religious cause, and demonstrates the sanctification and exaltation of martyrdom in Uganda and the wider Christian world. Without knowing exactly how these are related, the role of the Ugandan martyrs and their veneration in the church introduced dying––or killing––for a worthy cause. Amin Maalouf introduces the role of migration, speaking to the deep wounds that it can leave on a person. The loss of a homeland and forced to move “causes him lasting bitterness and anger”[50] which may be lashed out in violent acts against the perpetrators. I believe that the role of community must not be overlooked when trying to understand Kony and his army of children. Community and hospitality are at the core of Ugandan culture; each home I visit, I am welcomed, offered tea or water, even when families do not have enough themselves. In remote villages, families depend on other families for food, water, protection, education, and basic needs. You feel as if you belong in a family wherever you are in Uganda, whether it is in a home, school, convent, or even a local marketplace. Kony uses this underlying culture of community to manipulate uneducated children to join a community; it gives them a purpose to live, and in rural areas of dire poverty, children will do anything to feel loved, to feel like they belong. The “desire to belong” is a common thread in studies on terrorism. “A need to belong, along with an incomplete personal identity [i.e. children], is a common factor that cuts across”[51] many terrorist groups worldwide. Religion in community is another important aspect of Ugandan culture. “About four-fifths of the population [in Uganda] is Christian, primarily divided between Roman Catholics and Protestants.”[52] Religion is not a luxury; it is a necessity––a driving force of hope that assists the daily struggles of poverty. Worship services, such as Mass, take upwards of four or five hours, because they reserve Sunday for God. Scripture is sacred, and churches are well respected. If Kony can take the scriptures, and create a “new church” where it gives people a sense of purpose and belonging, he can force them to do anything in the name of God. This way of thinking creates the perfect storm, and has had detrimental effects on the country of Uganda. I will never understand completely why or how Kony––and other dictators and warlords––commit these acts of terror in the name of God. But the people of Uganda have taught me that religion is also used in the process of healing. When I asked about Kony, the religious sisters burst out laughing; they did not let the horrors of his legacy affect them in the slightest bit. They have told me that many Ugandans have forgiven Kony for his crimes. Uganda has a lot of scars––and many can blame religion as the cause. But they do not; hope and forgiveness is slowly healing the country, and they look to hope as a new beacon of light to follow.

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[1]https://web.archive.org/web/20150415115742/http://www.theguardian.com/world/2012/apr/20/kony-2012-cover-night-campaign

[2] Al-Qaeda in East Africa: Radical Islam in East Africa, p. 1

[3] https://www.britannica.com/biography/Idi-Amin

[4]https://www.gorillatrips.net/top-10-tribes-in-uganda/#:~:text=Uganda%20is%20a%20home%20for,that%20formally%20came%20to%20recognition.

[5] https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/uganda-the-horror-85439313/

[6] Understanding Alice: Uganda’s Holy Spirit Movement in Context, p. 375

[7] Understanding Alice: Uganda’s Holy Spirit Movement in Context, p. 378

[8]  Understanding Alice: Uganda’s Holy Spirit Movement in Context, p. 372

[9] Understanding Alice: Uganda’s Holy Spirit Movement in Context, p. 373

[10] Understanding Alice: Uganda’s Holy Spirit Movement in Context, p. 374

[11] Understanding Alice: Uganda’s Holy Spirit Movement in Context, p. 374

[12]https://www.monitor.co.ug/Magazines/PeoplePower/Alice-Lakwena-fishmonger–rebel-leader-NRA-Okello-Lutwa/689844-4804780-6ewycnz/index.html

[13] https://www.britannica.com/biography/Joseph-Kony

[14] Kony’s Message: A New Koine? The Lord’s Resistance Army in Northern Uganda, p. 22

[15] https://www.britannica.com/biography/Joseph-Kony

[16] Kony’s Message: A New Koine? The Lord’s Resistance Army in Northern Uganda, p. 23-24

[17] Kony’s Message: A New Koine? The Lord’s Resistance Army in Northern Uganda, p. 25

[18] Kony’s Message: A New Koine? The Lord’s Resistance Army in Northern Uganda, p. 25

[19] https://www.britannica.com/topic/Lords-Resistance-Army

[20]  J. Achieng, ‘As Northern rebellion rages in Uganda, child soldiers struggle to heal the wounds of war’, The East African, 27 April-3 May 1998.

[21] https://www.populationpyramid.net/uganda/2000/

Today, that number is 45 million; 60% are under the age of 24.

[22] Kony’s Message: A New Koine? The Lord’s Resistance Army in Northern Uganda, p. 26

[23] https://invisiblechildren.com/blog/2014/11/18/kony-101-kony-start-abducting-children/ (my emphasis)

[24] https://www.britannica.com/topic/Lords-Resistance-Army

[25]  https://www.britannica.com/topic/Lords-Resistance-Army

[26] Terror in the Mind of God, p. 301

[27]https://www.forbes.com/sites/davidewalt/2018/05/08/the-worlds-most-powerful-people-2018/?sh=2e97116d6c47#tab:overall/

[28] Understanding Alice: Uganda’s Holy Spirit Movement in Context, p. 394

[29] Understanding Alice: Uganda’s Holy Spirit Movement in Context, p 388

[30] A. F. Mockler-Ferryman, Journal of the Royal African Society, Apr., 1903, Vol. 2, No. 7 (Apr., 1903), p. 291

[31] https://www.goodrunsolutions.com.au/r/Acholi_People_of_Uganda_BISS_Information_0509.pdf

[32] See Terror in the Mind of God, p.p. 24, 29-33 for more on Michael Bray.

[33] Michael Bray, “Thoughts on Tiller, Justified Homicide, and Persisting Abortionists,” Army of God website, www.armyofgod.com/MikeBray; Terror in the Mind of God, pp. 32-33

[34] Terror in the Mind of God, p. 301

[35] Terror in the Mind of God, p. 156

[36] Terror in the Mind of God, p. 156

[37] Terror in the Mind of God, p. 156

[38] Terror in the Mind of God, p. 156

[39] Terror in the Mind of God, p. 184

[40] Terror in the Mind of God, p. 170

[41] Terror in the Mind of God, p. 187

[42]  Terror in the Mind of God, p. 209

[43] https://www.catholicsandcultures.org/uganda/shrines-pilgrimage/martyrs-shrine-feast-namugongo

[44] An Analysis of the Epistemic Link between the Catholic Religion and Violence in Uganda’s History, p. 32

[45] An Analysis of the Epistemic Link between the Catholic Religion and Violence in Uganda’s History, p. 32

[46] In the Name of Identity, p. 38

[47] In the Name of Identity, p. 37-38

[48] https://www.refworld.org/docid/49749c93c.html; https://minorityrights.org/minorities/acholi/

[49] Terror in the Mind of God, p. 301

[50] In the Name of Identity, p. 38

[51] Borum, R. (2004). Psychology of Terrorism. Tampa: University of South Florida., p. 23

[52] https://www.britannica.com/place/Uganda/Religion

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